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I have tremendous respect for the FBI's capabilities. I interact with Jim Comey on a regular basis. The FBI has a real challenge because here are individuals who could be in their home will have no interaction with other people, but will be on the Internet and will be shaped and influenced by what they're seeing in terms of this narrative, and will decide on their own-maybe with a spouse or maybe with others or maybe alone-to carry out an attack. And if they get their hands on a weapon or, you know, explosive material, they can do great damage before the signatures that are traditionally associated with traditional terrorist groups are seen.

WOODRUFF: And what is the CIA's role in working with the FBI on that? Because you're right, it's a domestic challenge. But the CIA, I mean-

BRENNAN: Well, the CIA, working with our other partners, NSA, Homeland Security, as well as the National Counterterrorism Center, I think we do a very good job of sharing as much data information as possible, all the puzzle pieces. And so any lead we may have from overseas collection or access, we make sure it's shared with our partners. Any of the trends or developments that we see in terrorist organizations in terms of their modus operandi, we share that immediately. And so it's a constant interaction between all the different elements of the U.S. counterterrorism community that I think has helped protect this country. So the vulnerabilities that existed in 9/11, that the 9/11 hijackers and killers took advantage of, they no longer exist. However, there are other ways that an ISIS can adapt to the reality now to be able to carry out these attacks.

WOODRUFF: Right. I want to come back to ISIS in Syria and in Iraq because, yes, there's been some progress, as you say, but it's frustratingly slow. And you're dealing with-you have the Iranians playing a role in Iraq and, I guess to a lesser extent, in Syria. But certainly in Iraq. I mean, do you see the Iranians of being supportive-of being in a supportive role, because of the side they take in Iraq? Or do you see them as being in the opposite role?

BRENNAN: Yes. (Laughter.) There are things that they can do, and have done, in order to address some of the terrorist threats that they face, which are similar to ones that we face. One of the things about ISIS that really distinguishes it from al-Qaida is that it has a very strong anti-Shia dimension to it. That's how it's sort of rolled over many parts of Iraq because of the years when the Sunni community felt as though a Shia-dominated and Iranian-influenced government in Baghdad was not addressing the needs of the Sunni community. So I think they're very concerned about that growth.

At the same time, Iran is still identified by the U.S. government as the leading state sponsor of terrorism because of what they have done. So they are both a part of the problem, but they also-and I'm hopeful that maybe with the growing influence and ascendance of some of the more moderate elements within the Iranian government and President Rouhani, that we may see Iran truly move toward rejoining the community of nations and fulfilling its role and responsibility. But while it continues to provide support to terrorist organizations like Hezbollah and others in Lebanon-because they have Hezbollah inside of Iraq and other groups-there's a real problem with Tehran.

WOODRUFF: And what is your-what's the level of communication between your agency and Iran?

BRENNAN: I don't communicate with Iran.

WOODRUFF: There's zero communication-indirect-

BRENNAN: I do not personally have any interaction-

WOODRUFF: Not personally. (Laughter.)

BRENNAN: I do not have any interaction, any formal liaison relationship or engagement with Iran.

WOODRUFF: Does the agency?

BRENNAN: The agency does not.

WOODRUFF: OK.

BRENNAN: No formal intelligence liaison relationship. (Laughter.)

WOODRUFF: No formal intelligence? Maybe somebody out here can phrase it better-phrase it-

BRENNAN: No. (Laughter.)

WOODRUFF: President Assad-

BRENNAN: But we know the Iranians very well. (Laughter.) Just saying. (Laughter.)

WOODRUFF: President Assad does not seem to be-certainly weakened to some extent, but hanging on in Syria. There doesn't seem to be much evidence right now that he's budging from his position. How do you weigh where the Syrian conflict stands right now?

BRENNAN: Last year at this time Assad was really on the ropes in terms of the Syrian military was taking it on the chin in a number of areas, particularly north of Damascus in the Latakia area. And that was what prompted Moscow to decide to send several thousand Russian military personnel-aircraft, weaponry, artillery, tanks, you name it-in order to prop up the regime that they have invested in over the last 50 years or so. And so the downward trajectory of the regime's fortunes was reversed, as a result of that engagement on the part of Moscow.

We believe fervently that Assad is part of the problem, he's not part of the solution. He is the reason-after the atrocities that he has perpetrated on his people, that he has lost all legitimacy in terms of ruling that country. And that's also one of the reasons why we have so many of the Syrian people up in arms against Assad and the government in Damascus, as well as the foreign fighters. So we believe that although he's maybe strengthened on the battlefield relative to where he was last year, we really are continuing to push the Russians, because the Russians play a critical role in this. There's going to be, I think, no way forward on the political front without active Russian cooperation, as well as true and genuine Russian interest in trying to find a political path, because this is not going to be resolved on the battlefield.